The best symbol of the grassroots worker I can think of is the Republican Assembly… [NFRA’s] thousands of dedicated men and women are the ones who turn all those modernistic campaign devices into real votes.
“[NFRA] provides the nucleus of the Republican candidate’s volunteer work brigade. I know from personal experience. It’s hard to imagine my campaigns being anywhere near as successful as they were without the dedication of Republican Assembly members.
“I urge you to join today.
Like my precious friends Ronald Reagan and Charlton Heston, I am proud to be a member of the Republican Assemblies. There was a time when we in Hollywood fought Communism and believed in America. Now the liberals seem to run everything and want to destroy all that we fought for. But the NFRA isn’t afraid of that fight, and it grows stronger every day, and I am honored to be involved with people who truly understand what America is all about.
We are engaged in a social, political and cultural war, in our country and even in our own party. The Republican Assemblies are some of the most effective forces in that war, and I applaud your work.
The Republican Assemblies are unafraid, to stand up for principle or to stand up to the establishment.
The NFRA fights tirelessly to elect a strong, grassroots Republican Party leadership. The more they succeed, the more we’ll see real change in America.
Now is the time for Patriots to mobilize. The NFRA is a great vehicle for taking back our country.
As a famous Californian once said, “Freedom is never more than one generation away from extinction.” That’s why, now more than ever, the National Federation of Republican Assemblies is looked upon as one of the preeminent guardians of Ronald Reagan’s legacy, providing a powerful, unwavering voice for conservative principles amid the pandemonium of modern politics. Their advocacy is vital to our party’s future.
When conservatives took back America’s largest Protestant denomination, the Southern Baptist Convention, from the liberal leadership which had hijacked it, we used the same strategies and tactics that make the NFRA so potent a force today. Those strategies worked flawlessly then, and they’ll work as conservatives assert themselves in the Republican Party today.
In a political world of rapid changing institutions, the National Federation of Republican Assemblies stands as an anchor of principles on which conservative political leaders can depend. I am proud to be a member of the California Republican Assembly and to stand with Republican Assemblies all across America as they take back our party for true conservatives and stand for the values we hold dear.
The Republican Assemblies are truly a force for renewal within the Republican Party.
The Republican Assemblies are the conscience of the Republican Party.
Unlike too many other Republicans today, [the Republican Assemblies] stand strongly for the moral foundation of our Republic, which is that we are created equal and endowed by our Creator, not by our leaders, with our rights.
I am honored to stand with the National Federation of Republican Assemblies, one of the strongest voices for conservative values and a revitalized Republican Party in America.
If you want to see Reagan conservatives running the Republican Party, then the NFRA is where you need to be.
The NFRA can play a major role in the remaking of our Party. It can certainly be the organizational power behind the Tea Parties, working with those groups to give organizational effect to their outrage and passion.
The Republican Assemblies were the Tea Party movement before there was a Tea Party.
While many so-called Republican leaders would surrender the Culture War and sell out our sovereignty, the NFRA is a bastion of hope standing against them, and standing for a Constitutionalist America.
The NFRA endorsed me early, and it made a huge difference in the outcome of my race. Why? Because the Republican Assemblies are the real grassroots, the true conservatives, the soul of the Republican Party. And if you want more Marco Rubios, more Nikki Haleys and more Sharron Angles, getting involved in the Republican Assemblies is the way to make it happen.
The Republican Assemblies work tirelessly for conservative candidates and legislation.
The NFRA has never been more important than it is right now. We no longer have the luxury to nominate Republicans who, once elected, undermine the principles of individual freedom and limited government that define our party. Republican Assemblies across the country have kept the conservative movement alive and the future of our party and of our country ultimately depends on their success.
I’ve been a Republican all my life, was a precinct committeewoman for 16 years, president of the Illinois Federation of Republican Women for five years, attended every Republican National Convention starting in 1952, and served on the Platform Committee in 1984. I’m proud to be a charter member of the NFRA because I know it is doing the absolutely necessary work of restoring the Republican Party to its proper position of leadership for authentic conservative principles.
The NFRA is the flagship of constitutionalist conservatism within the Republican Party. It is intent on making sure the federal government has limited powers and the states have an independent sovereign place in our system of government. If we, the people, are to arrest the Obama march to collectivism, social democracy and an imperial presidency, we must swell the ranks of the NFRA and maintain its status as a principled defender of liberty.
When I was a high school student, Phyllis Schlafly’s book, A Choice, Not an Echo, was an important influence on my political direction. Today I support the NFRA for that same reason. The Republican Party must be more than just a cheaper, slower echo of the Democrats: it must be a distinct choice, for conservative values and for a future of freedom. If you long for that choice, then you should join the NFRA.
We need more people like you [the Republican Assemblies] who truly believe in the Constitution, in liberty and in standing up to an establishment that believes in neither.
The loyal patriots of the National Federation of Republican Assemblies…stand for the enduring principles that have made our Nation great. I thank the NFRA for standing at the ready to defend freedom and liberty no matter what the cost. Real hope is alive in the NFRA.Norquist: Dems Attacked Bush in ’92 for Taxes He Raised With Them in ’90
The ad was titled “The George Bush promise.”
The man who founded Americans for Tax Reform in 1985 told Human Events the 1992 attack ad Democrats used against President George H. W. Bush is a warning to Republicans eager break their pledge not to raise taxes.
“Seeing the ad again, I was just reminded that when you break the pledge, you don’t just open yourself to a Republican primary,” said Grover G. Norquist, the ATR founder and president. “You hand your most devastating political weapon to your Democratic opponent on an issue that goes straight at the heart of your credibility and your reliability.”
After you are partners in raising taxes, the Democrat turns around and attacks you for raising taxes, he said. “The Democrat then runs those ads, not for Democrats, but to suppress the Republican support for a candidate by saying: ‘You can’t trust this guy.’”
Not only does raising taxes demoralize the Republican base, it confuses the Independents, who might want to vote for the GOP candidate, but are not looking for someone they cannot rely on to hold the line on taxes, he said.
“Republican-leaning Independents walk away from Republicans who raise taxes,” said Norquist, who started ATR at the personal request of President Ronald W. Reagan, who wanted a grassroots organization to pressure politicians to keep taxes low.
At the 1988 GOP convention, Bush said: “And the Congress will push me to raise taxes and I’ll say no. And they’ll push, and I’ll say no, and they’ll push again, and I’ll say, to them, ‘Read my lips: no new taxes.’”
Norquist said he looks back at the 1990 budget deal and remembers that he was one of the conservatives that pleaded with the Bush White House economists and other staffers not to trust the Democrats, who promised they would cut spending in exchange for his support of tax increases.
The Bay State expatriate said as he sensed that Bush was more and more willing to support a tax increase, he warned the White House that many Republicans in Congress had signed the Taxpayer Protection Pledge.
“I told them not to accept to expect Republicans to vote with them because they are not going to and they would say: ‘Oh, yeah, yeah, yeah, we know all about that,’” he said. “I took that to mean that they knew all about it and were not really planning to raise taxes—ah, what it really meant was that they knew all about it and thought they could still break people—they would thought the president would say: ‘Do this,’ and they would just say; ‘OK.’”
In grainy video, the ad shows Bush making his “Read my lips” pledge followed by the narrator telling the viewer: “Then, he gave us the second biggest tax increase in history.” Next, the voice over a gas pump with its numbers racking up: “Bush raised the gas tax 56 percent.”
Like Bush learned and later regretted, today’s Republicans need to be wary of partnering with Democrats, who fear facing Republicans over taxes and cannot and will not raise taxes on their own, he said.
Nobody should want a repeat of President William J. Clinton, the man who beat Bush in 1992, he said.
After criticizing Bush for raising taxes in the campaign, Clinton passed his own massive tax increase by one vote in each chamber in his first summer in the White House. The bill raised the top tax rate from 36 percent to 39.6, set the corporate income tax at 35 percent among other measures.
Norquist said for all of the talk about balancing the budget before the 1993 Clinton tax increases, there was little effort by Clinton to apply those revenues to paying down the debt or lower the deficit after the tax increases passed Congress.
“We just pulled his budget from 1993-1994, and he projected deficits out $200 million-a-year for the next five years, because he was planning on spending every penny that came in,” he said.
In 1994 the GOP took over the House and Senate and they put the brakes to Clinton’s spending, he said.
“It was only when Republicans came in and said: ‘Ah, no you can’t,’” he said.
“It was just amazing.”
Editor's Note: We have reproduced the full text of "Norquist: Dems Attacked Bush in '92 Ad for Taxes He Raised With Them in '90" by John Hayward from Human Events.
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